New chief of California's prisons named

SACRAMENTO — Gov. Jerry Brown on Wednesday named a vocal advocate of shorter sentences and community treatment to run the state's crowded and troubled prison system.

Brown announced the selection of Jeffrey Beard, 65, the retired former Pennsylvania prisons chief, to succeed Matthew Cate, who stepped down last month after four years as secretary of corrections in California. Cate is now leader of the California State Assn. of Counties.

Beard, whose appointment is subject to Senate confirmation, spent nearly four decades in corrections in Pennsylvania, starting as a counselor and advancing to prison warden, eventually spending nine years as department head. He completed an expansion of that state's prison system, including the addition of 32,000 inmate beds.

He left in 2010, advocating for laws that put more criminals into work-treatment programs instead of prisons, telling lawmakers that an "over-reliance" on locking up non-serious offenders did little to improve public safety.

Though an official start date was not announced, Beard joins Brown's administration at a critical time. The Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation has until Jan. 7 to produce a plan for reducing prison crowding or face the renewed threat of federal orders to release inmates early.

In addition, a federal receiver is attempting to negotiate terms for California to resume control over the delivery of healthcare to inmates. And the parole and healthcare divisions are laying off staff.

In announcing the appointment, Brown said Beard "has arrived at the right time to take the next steps in returning California's parole and correctional institutions to their former luster."

Beard's successor in Pennsylvania says Beard will fit right in.

"I think you guys hit a home run," said Pennsylvania Corrections Secretary John Wetzel.

Wetzel, who was appointed eight months after Beard retired, said the former director weighed in frequently with crucial advice and provided input on new legislation intended to reduce prison crowding in that state and on expanding community treatment and diversion programs.

In 2008, Beard lent support to a proposal to ease county jail crowding by sending felons serving more than two years to state prison. But it allowed for medical release and early release of nonviolent offenders who completed treatment and education programs.

Andy Hoover, legislative director for the Pennsylvania branch of the American Civil Liberties Union, said Beard played an active role in developing corrections policies and promoting them before the Legislature.

But Beard has critics as well, some of whom hold him responsible for expanding the use of solitary confinement in Pennsylvania and for a two-month moratorium on parole releases after the murders of two Philadelphia police officers. The moratorium caused such overcrowding that Pennsylvania began sending inmates to serve time in other states.

Hoover said Beard was caught in a political bind, carrying out policies he had not set. "He was in an unfortunate position," Hoover said. "It was very much out of his hands."

Corrections historian Dan Berger, who was working on his doctoral degree at the University of Pennsylvania at the time, disagrees.

"Beard does not have a good reputation on health and human rights in prison," Berger said. "He gives more rhetoric to sentencing reform than believes it."

After retiring in 2010, Beard joined Pennsylvania State University's Justice Center for Research, and he has worked as a private consultant to a number of states, including California. He advised Sacramento on litigation over the care and housing of mentally ill offenders and has toured California prisons.

Beard is not shy about voicing opinions on where the criminal justice system fails. In 2010, he told Pennsylvania lawmakers that heavy reliance on incarceration of low-level offenders "has proven to have limited value in maintaining public safety."

"We must stop treating all offenders the same and move away from the 'get tough on crime' philosophy of locking up less serious offenders for longer periods of time," he told them.

In a 2005 commentary in an industry publication, Beard called for a rethinking of "who really belongs in prison" and an end to the then-popular "scared straight" programs he felt increased the likelihood that freed inmates would commit future crimes. "We must have the will to put an end to feel-good and/or publicly popular programs that simply do not work," Beard wrote.

Corrections officials said Beard was unavailable Wednesday but released a single statement quoting the incoming secretary as saying he was "honored" to be appointed "for this important public safety position."

paige.stjohn@latimes.com

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Iraq’s President, Jalal Talabani, Hospitalized After Stroke

BAGHDAD — Jalal Talabani, the president of Iraq, whose influence in mediating disputes among the country’s many political factions has far outweighed the limited powers of the office he occupies, suffered a stroke and was in grave health on Tuesday in a Baghdad hospital.

Scott Nelson/WpN for The New York Times

President Jilal Talabani of Iraq, pictured in May 2006, has been receiving medical treatment abroad in recent years.

Mr. Talabani’s illness cast a shadow over the Kurdish lands in the north where he once fought a guerrilla war and where he now lives, and added a new element of uncertainty to the country’s divided politics a year after the departure of the American military left Iraq’s leaders to steer the country’s shaky democracy on their own.

Officials and doctors said Mr. Talabani, 79, who has been treated abroad for medical conditions in recent years, was in stable condition, but privately other officials suggested his condition was more serious. A hospital official, as well as a high-level government official — both of whom requested anonymity out of respect for Mr. Talabani’s family — said the president was in a coma.

The deteriorating health of Mr. Talabani, a Kurd, comes at a time of heightened political tensions between Iraq’s central government and the semiautonomous Kurdish region. A dispute over land and oil that has festered for years has turned more serious in recent weeks as government forces have sought to take more control of security in disputed territories near Kirkuk, a northern city claimed by both the Kurds and the central government.

Mr. Talabani exerts sway over Iraq’s national affairs beyond the limited powers of his office, which is largely ceremonial. He is seen as a unifying figure with the power, at times, to bring Iraq’s many factions to the bargaining table, among the few national leaders, and perhaps the only one, with that status. His absence from politics would have a profound influence in Baghdad, where Mr. Talabani has been trying to mediate a continuing political crisis that at its core is a contest for power among the country’s three main groups: Shiites, Sunnis and Kurds.

At a brief news conference on Tuesday at the hospital where the president was being treated, a doctor described Mr. Talabani’s condition as “stable” and said he expected it to improve. On Twitter, Mr. Talabani’s son, Qubad Talabani, who represents the Kurdistan Regional Government in Washington, wrote that his father “is currently stable” and “we hope can begin his recovery soon.”

On Monday, Mr. Talabani met with Prime Minister Nuri Kamal al-Maliki to discuss Iraq’s political problems. Afterward, a statement from Mr. Talabani’s office said, the two men stressed the need for calm and transparent dialogue, as well as “working according to the spirit of the Constitution and the national agreements” as the way to solve the country’s ills.

Mr. Maliki has visited Mr. Talabani in the hospital, according to officials.

Mr. Talabani was apparently rushed to the hospital on Monday evening, although no announcement was made until Tuesday morning.

He is being treated by specialists at a hospital known as the Baghdad Medical City. Officials said doctors were trying to determine whether Mr. Talabani could be flown abroad for care. If not, foreign medical specialists were expected to fly to Baghdad to join the team treating him.

Christine Hauser contributed reporting from New York.

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Nielsen to buy Arbitron for about $1.26B

NEW YORK (AP) — Nielsen, the dominant source of TV ratings, on Tuesday said it had agreed to buy Arbitron for about $ 1.26 billion to expand into radio measurement.

Arbitron pays 70,000 people to carry around gadgets that register what stations they’re listening to. Since Nielsen also collects cash register data, CEO David Calhoun said buying Arbitron will let Nielsen be a one-stop shop for advertisers who want to know how the radio advertising they buy affects product sales.

The acquisition will let Nielsen expand the amount of media consumption it tracks by about 2 hours per person per day to 7 hours, Calhoun said in an interview.

“You don’t find many mediums that allow for that kind of increase,” Calhoun said.

Arbitron’s operations are mainly in the U.S., while Nielsen operates globally. Calhoun said another major driver for the deal is that Nielsen wants to spread Arbitron’s tracking technology to other countries.

Evercore Partners analyst Douglas Arthur said Nielsen doesn’t need traditional radio measurement to grow, but Arbitron seemed like a willing seller, and it will be a “nice complementary but not ‘must have’ platform.”

Nielsen Holdings N.V. said it will pay $ 48 per share, which is a 26 percent premium to Arbitron’s Monday closing price of $ 38.04. Shares of Arbitron, which is based in Columbia, Md., jumped $ 8.99, or 23.6 percent, to close at $ 47.03.

Nielsen, which went public in January 2011, has headquarters in the Netherlands and New York. Its stock added $ 1.30, or 4.4 percent, to close at $ 30.92.

Nielsen said it expects the deal to add about 13 cents per share to its adjusted earnings a year after closing and about 19 cents per share to adjusted earnings two years after closing.

Abitron’s chief operating officer, Sean Creamer, is set to take over as CEO from William Kerr on Jan. 1. Calhoun said he hoped Creamer would remain with Nielsen after the deal closes.

Nielsen said it has a financing commitment for the transaction.

Nielsen was the prime source of audience ratings in the early days of radio, thanks to a device similar to Arbitron’s People Meter. The Audimeter was attached to the radio set. The company’s focus shifted to TV measurement in the 1950s.

On Monday, Nielsen announced a deal with Twitter to measure how much U.S. TV watchers tweet about the shows they’re watching. The “Nielsen Twitter TV Rating” will debut in the fall.

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Kristen Stewart Apologizes for Making Everyone 'So Angry'

12/18/2012 at 06:30 PM EST

Kristen Stewart

Lorenzo Bevilaqua/Disney/Getty

Kristen Stewart is once again saying she's sorry.

A few months after publicly expressing regret over cheating on boyfriend Robert Pattinson with her Snow White and the Huntsman director Rupert Sanders, the actress has some words for everybody else.

"I apologize to everyone for making them so angry," the typically press-shy On the Road star, 22, tells Newsweek. "It was not my intention."

Stewart, who has been the subject of both vitriolic criticism and tremendous support from fans, adds, "It's not a terrible thing if you're either loved or hated."

But at the end of the day, the former Twilight star is primarily focused on her craft.

"I don't care [about people's opinions]," she explains. "It doesn't keep me from doing my s–––."

Addressing her most famous role, that of Bella Swan in the Twilight franchise, she says, "The only relief when it comes to Twilight is that the story is done ... I start every project to finish the mother––, and to extend that [mentality] over a five-year period adapting all of these treasured moments over four books, it was constantly worrying."

As for always being know to a generation of moviegoers as Bella, she says, "As long as people's perspective of me doesn't keep me from doing what I want to do, it doesn’t matter.”

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Experts: Kids are resilient in coping with trauma

WASHINGTON (AP) — They might not want to talk about the gunshots or the screams. But their toys might start getting into imaginary shootouts.

Last week's school shooting in Connecticut raises the question: What will be the psychological fallout for the children who survived?

For people of any age, regaining a sense of security after surviving violence can take a long time. They're at risk for lingering anxiety, depression, post-traumatic stress disorder.

But after the grief and fear fades, psychiatrists say most of Newtown's young survivors probably will cope without long-term emotional problems.

"Kids do tend to be highly resilient," said Dr. Matthew Biel, chief of child and adolescent psychiatry at MedStar Georgetown University Hospital.

And one way that younger children try to make sense of trauma is through play. Youngsters may pull out action figures or stuffed animals and re-enact what they witnessed, perhaps multiple times.

"That's the way they gain mastery over a situation that's overwhelming," Biel explained, saying it becomes a concern only if the child is clearly distressed while playing.

Nor is it unusual for children to chase each other playing cops-and-robbers, but now parents might see some also pretending they're dead, added Dr. Melissa Brymer of the UCLA-Duke National Center for Child Traumatic Stress.

Among the challenges will be spotting which children are struggling enough that they may need professional help.

Newtown's tragedy is particularly heart-wrenching because of what such young children grappled with — like the six first-graders who apparently had to run past their teacher's body to escape to safety.

There's little scientific research specifically on PTSD, post-traumatic stress disorder, in children exposed to a burst of violence, and even less to tell if a younger child will have a harder time healing than an older one.

Overall, scientists say studies of natural disasters and wars suggest most children eventually recover from traumatic experiences while a smaller proportion develop long-term disorders such as PTSD. Brymer says in her studies of school shootings, that fraction can range from 10 percent to a quarter of survivors, depending on what they actually experienced. A broader 2007 study found 13 percent of U.S. children exposed to different types of trauma reported some symptoms of PTSD, although less than 1 percent had enough for an official diagnosis.

Violence isn't all that rare in childhood. In many parts of the world — and in inner-city neighborhoods in the U.S., too — children witness it repeatedly. They don't become inured to it, Biel said, and more exposure means a greater chance of lasting psychological harm.

In Newtown, most at risk for longer-term problems are those who saw someone killed, said Dr. Carol North of the University of Texas Southwestern Medical Center, who has researched survivors of mass shootings.

Friday's shootings were mostly in two classrooms of Sandy Hook Elementary School, which has about 450 students through fourth-grade.

But those who weren't as close to the danger may be at extra risk, too, if this wasn't their first trauma or they already had problems such as anxiety disorders that increase their vulnerability, she said.

Right after a traumatic event, it's normal to have nightmares or trouble sleeping, to stick close to loved ones, and to be nervous or moody, Biel said.

To help, parents will have to follow their child's lead. Grilling a child about a traumatic experience isn't good, he stressed. Some children will ask a lot of questions, seeking reassurance, he said. Others will be quiet, thinking about the experience and maybe drawing or writing about it, or acting it out at playtime. Younger children may regress, becoming clingy or having tantrums.

Before second grade, their brains also are at a developmental stage some refer to as magical thinking, when it's difficult to distinguish reality and fantasy. Parents may have to help them understand that a friend who died isn't in pain or lonely but also isn't coming back, Brymer said.

When problem behaviors or signs of distress continue for several weeks, Brymer says it's time for an evaluation by a counselor or pediatrician.

Besides a supportive family, what helps? North advises getting children back into routines, together with their friends, and easing them back into a school setting. Studies of survivors of the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks found "the power of the support of the people who went through it with you is huge," she said.

Children as young as first-graders can benefit from cognitive-behavioral therapy, Georgetown's Biel said. They can calm themselves with breathing techniques. They also can learn to identify and label their feelings — anger, frustration, worry — and how to balance, say, a worried thought with a brave one.

Finally, avoid watching TV coverage of the shooting, as children may think it's happening all over again, Biel added. He found that children who watched the 9/11 clips of planes hitting the World Trade Center thought they were seeing dozens of separate attacks.

___

EDITOR'S NOTE — Lauran Neergaard covers health and medical issues for The Associated Press in Washington.

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Grand jury probes L.A. County sheriff's handling of FBI informant

When Los Angeles County jail officials learned last year that one of their inmates was a secret FBI informant, they launched a plan.

Sheriff's officials moved the inmate from the downtown lockup, where he was surreptitiously collecting information on allegedly abusive and corrupt deputies, to a cell in a patrol station in San Dimas. Jailers kept him under constant watch, sources said, and listed the informant, a convicted bank robber, under a series of aliases — including Robin Banks.

Now, a federal grand jury is investigating whether sheriff's officials moved the informant to hinder an FBI investigation into alleged jail abuses.

Several sheriff's employees have testified at recent grand jury hearings about the handling of the informant, sources said. At least one witness testified that moving the inmate and changing his name was an attempt to hide him from federal agents, and that top officials, including the department's second in command, Undersheriff Paul Tanaka, played a role in the plan, according to a source familiar with the testimony.

Sheriff's officials insist that they were not hiding the informant, Anthony Brown, from the FBI but protecting him from other deputies.

Department spokesman Steve Whitmore said Brown wrote a letter after his identity was discovered, complaining that he feared for his life and felt abandoned by the FBI.

"He was frightened not of inmates but of deputies because he was snitching on deputies," Whitmore said. "We were moving him around to protect him from any kind of retaliation."

The grand jury investigation underscores the rift that developed last year between the Sheriff's Department and federal authorities after deputies discovered the FBI had cultivated an inmate informant as part of a wide-ranging inquiry into the department's jails.

After news broke about the incident, Sheriff Lee Baca publicly accused an FBI agent of possibly committing a crime by smuggling a phone to the informant. He dispatched investigators to the agent's home before determining the case was "not worthy of pursuing."

The grand jury hearings suggest that the federal investigation extends beyond alleged jailhouse abuses by deputies to include the actions of high-ranking members of the department. So far, the U.S. attorney's office has brought charges against only one deputy, who pleaded guilty to bribery for taking money to smuggle the cellphone to the informant.

Laurie Levenson, a professor at Loyola Law School and a former federal prosecutor, said obstruction of justice cases typically involve intimidation or violence against potential witnesses. But she said prosecutors could build a criminal case against sheriff's officials if they can prove the department's goal in moving Brown was to hinder the FBI's investigation of the jails.

"The biggest challenge is probably to show... the purpose of that was to interfere with the investigation as opposed to other legitimate purposes," she said. "If they can show that there was a conspiracy to hide the informant, they'll find a statute that fits."

Sheriff's officials discovered the informant's identity after jail deputies found his phone during a cell search in August 2011. The phone included calls to the FBI. In an interview with The Times earlier this year, the informant said he had been using his phone to take photos and document excessive force inside Men's Central Jail. Brown said FBI agents regularly visited him in court and at jail, where he supplied them with the names of corrupt and abusive deputies.

Brown said FBI agents rushed into the jail to visit him soon after they learned his cover had been blown. But as the meeting began, Brown said, a sheriff's investigator came in and ended it. "This…visit is over," the official said, according to Brown.

Brown said sheriff's officials moved him, changed his name several times and grilled him about what he knew and whether he would testify in the federal investigation.

"I didn't know it then, but they were hiding me from the feds," said Brown, who is serving 423 years to life in prison for armed robbery.

Whitmore, the sheriff's spokesman, disputed Brown's account of the FBI visit, saying it never happened. Federal agents, he said, never asked to visit Brown and would have been given access to the inmate had they requested it.

Sources who were briefed on the department's handling of the informant said the decision to move Brown was made at a meeting attended by Tanaka. One sheriff's employee testified that supervisors made it clear after the meeting that the intent of moving Brown was to hide him from the FBI, according to a source.

Whitmore said Tanaka played no role in Brown's move.

"That is an absurd allegation," he said. "Were the higher-ups briefed about this? Absolutely. But he had nothing to do with this decision other than the fact that he was aware of it."

In the year since the jail abuse scandal erupted, Tanaka has come under heavy criticism. A county commission created to examine the jails accused Tanaka of exacerbating problems in the lockups by encouraging deputies to push legal boundaries and discouraging supervisors from disciplining deputies involved in misconduct.

The undersheriff admitted some fault, but denied that he turned a blind eye to abuse. In testimony before the commission, he accused his detractors of having personal agendas and trying to discredit him by misinterpreting his actions.

At least one witness has told the grand jury that another top sheriff's official — Lt. Greg Thompson, formerly in charge of the jailhouse intelligence team — was also involved in hiding Brown, according to the source.

Thompson was placed on leave last month. Sheriff's officials are investigating whether Thompson had his son, who is also a deputy, confront another jailer to find out what he had told the grand jury about the elder Thompson, according to several sources who asked to remain anonymous because the investigation is ongoing.

Representatives for the FBI and the U.S. attorney's office declined to comment. Whitmore said that Tanaka and Thompson also declined to comment.

jack.leonard@latimes.com

robert.faturechi@latimes.com

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Hearing Into Litvinenko’s Death Still Leaves Motive a Mystery

But, after potentially explosive disclosures at a preinquest hearing last week, a more fundamental question seems to arise: Are the mysteries of his poisoning by the rare and highly toxic isotope polonium 210 approaching something akin to resolution, or are they simply condemned to deepen?

“The Alexander Litvinenko affair has been an unbelievably murky business,” The Times of London observed in an editorial. The more details become known, it said, “the murkier and muddier it seems to become.”

The hearing last week produced two major assertions that seemed to bear out that assessment.

One, by Hugh Davies, a lawyer acting for the inquest, seemed to substantiate the Litvinenko camp’s insistence that British government evidence not yet made public in detail “does establish a prima facie case as to the culpability of the Russian state in the death of Alexander Litvinenko,” who had become a British citizen weeks before his death.

The second, by Ben Emmerson, acting for Mr. Litvinenko’s wife, Marina, was that her husband was a “registered and paid agent” of Britain’s MI6 and of its Spanish counterpart, dealing with both in their investigations into Russian organized crime bosses and their links to political leaders in Moscow.

Between them, the two assertions raise tantalizing possibilities that could help fill the single biggest gap in the Litvinenko jigsaw: the question of a motive.

If Mr. Litvinenko was, as his adversaries in Russia have long maintained, a British agent, was that enough to justify a vengeful state conspiracy to silence or, at the least, make an example of him? Or does the Spanish connection offer a more plausible line of inquiry?

In 2010, American diplomatic cables released by WikiLeaks described the conclusions of a Spanish prosecutor, José Grinda González, in support of Mr. Litvinenko’s oft-voiced belief that the Russian security and intelligence services “control organized crime in Russia.” Was that the trigger for a killing?

“By passing on damaging secrets to Spain,” the columnist Kim Sengupta wrote in The Independent, “Mr. Litvinenko would have become a target for crime bosses who would have been able to use government agents to silence him.”

But that is where the story crosses into a world of flawed loyalties and double-dealing more familiar to the readers of a certain genre of novels. As the hearing revealed last week, in late 2006, Mr. Litvinenko had been about to embark on a journey to Spain to tell investigators about bonds between the Russian mafia and the Kremlin — a follow-up, according to an authoritative account in the Spanish newspaper El País, to a secret visit in May 2006, during which he provided critical information about Russian organized crime bosses. Months later, he was dead.

The twist in the latest disclosures was this: His companion on the second voyage was to have been another alumnus of the K.G.B., Andrei K. Lugovoi, a successful Russian businessman, who just happens to be the person British prosecutors have accused of poisoning Mr. Litvinenko.

By his own account, Mr. Lugovoi was present with several other Russians in the Pine Bar of the Millennium Hotel in London’s Grosvenor Square on Nov. 1, 2006, when Mr. Litvinenko ingested polonium, traces of which were later found on a teapot he had apparently used.

The two had met months before Mr. Litvinenko’s death, sharing an interest in the business of risk analysis, consultancy and information gathering in a world familiar to both of them.

In the years immediately after Mr. Litvinenko’s death, it was possible to cast it, as British prosecutors did, simply as the murder of a British citizen by a foreigner. (Mr. Lugovoi denies killing Mr. Litvinenko, and Russia has refused to send him to Britain to stand trial, citing constitutional prohibitions on the extradition of its own citizens.) After the latest assertions, however, the case shifted to a far more ominous plane — the alleged state killing of a state agent, a conspiracy on foreign soil, a throwback to the cold war.

Those considerations may be enough for both Moscow and London to try to draw back from the brink of a deeper freeze in the interests of cooperation in other areas, not least Russian energy and British investment.

The revelations at the preinquest hearing “threaten further to chill diplomatic relations between London and the Kremlin,” the editorial in The Times of London said, offering the harder-nosed view that it was “vital that relations between Moscow and London should not be held hostage to the Litvinenko case.”

Geopolitics apart, there has been another subplot.

Since the moment of her husband’s death, Mrs. Litvinenko has seemed to blend discomfort at her presence in the glare of news media coverage with a fierce determination to use her prominence there to push for justice and closure.

Yet, just as her campaign seems to be nearing a climax, she finds herself “in dire need of money to pay her lawyers,” said Alex Goldfarb a close associate of the Litvinenkos.

Previously the couple’s longtime sponsor had been the self-exiled entrepreneur Boris A. Berezovsky, a fiery foe of the Kremlin who fled Moscow in 2000 and has spent part of his time and money since then promoting President Vladimir V. Putin’s enemies.

But, since Mr. Berezovsky lost an astronomically expensive court case in London to a fellow tycoon, Roman A. Abramovich, this summer, his spending has been scaled back.

As Luke Harding, the author of critical book about the Moscow leadership, wrote in The Guardian, quoting an unidentified friend of Mr. Berezovsky, “Ironically, what the Kremlin could not do in a decade — shutting down Boris’s anti-Putin London operation — was done by a decision of an English court.”

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The Voice's Top Three Give Final Performances in the Competition

TV Watch

The Voice

By Julia Haskins

12/17/2012 at 10:25 PM EST

From left: Judges Adam Levine, Cee Lo Green, Christina Aguilera and Blake Shelton

Trae Patton/NBC

Monday night's episode of The Voice gave the final three contestants three chances to earn fans' votes. Each singer revisited a "breakout" song that set them apart in the competition, sang a new song and performed a duet with his or her coach.

But the night opened with a touching tribute to the victims of the Sandy Hook tragedy. Coaches and singers held up the names of each life lost while singing Leonard Cohen's "Hallelujah."

Team Cee Lo's Nicholas David then kicked off the competition with Jerry Lee Lewis's "Great Balls of Fire." Not able to resist a pun, his coach chimed in on his performance: "Your fire tonight burned this house down," Green said. David later revisited his performance of Bill Withers's "Lean On Me," and joined Green for a duet of Wild Cherry's "Play That Funky Music."

Team Blake's two contestants also had the crowd cheering. Terry McDermott's sang his best song, Foreigner's "I Want to Know What Love Is," and took a stab at Mr. Mister's "Take These Broken Wings." But the crowning moment of the night for McDermott was his duet with Shelton of Aerosmith's "Dude (Looks Like a Lady)." Adam Levine played guitar alongside them, decked out in a long rocker wig.

Cassadee Pope sang "Over You," which her coach and his wife, Miranda Lambert, co-wrote. She received huge praise for singing it the first time, but the song about Shelton's late brother had special meaning in the wake of the shootings in Newtown, Conn. "America's heart is heavy, and that's about healing," Shelton said. She also moved the coaches with her take on Faith Hill's "Cry." "I don't care that you weren't on my team," Levine said. "I am so proud of you and so happy that you're here at this moment." Pope finished the night with Shelton for a duet of Sheryl Crow's "Steve McQueen."

The Voice returns Tuesday, when the season's winner will be named. Who will it be? Tell us in the comments below.

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Experts: No link between Asperger's, violence

NEW YORK (AP) — While an official has said that the 20-year-old gunman in the Connecticut school shooting had Asperger's syndrome, experts say there is no connection between the disorder and violence.

Asperger's is a mild form of autism often characterized by social awkwardness.

"There really is no clear association between Asperger's and violent behavior," said psychologist Elizabeth Laugeson, an assistant clinical professor at the University of California, Los Angeles.

Little is known about Adam Lanza, identified by police as the shooter in the Friday massacre at a Newtown, Conn., elementary school. He fatally shot his mother before going to the school and killing 20 young children, six adults and himself, authorities said.

A law enforcement official, speaking on condition of anonymity because the person was not authorized to discuss the unfolding investigation, said Lanza had been diagnosed with Asperger's.

High school classmates and others have described him as bright but painfully shy, anxious and a loner. Those kinds of symptoms are consistent with Asperger's, said psychologist Eric Butter of Nationwide Children's Hospital in Columbus, Ohio, who treats autism, including Asperger's, but has no knowledge of Lanza's case.

Research suggests people with autism do have a higher rate of aggressive behavior — outbursts, shoving or pushing or angry shouting — than the general population, he said.

"But we are not talking about the kind of planned and intentional type of violence we have seen at Newtown," he said in an email.

"These types of tragedies have occurred at the hands of individuals with many different types of personalities and psychological profiles," he added.

Autism is a developmental disorder that can range from mild to severe. Asperger's generally is thought of as a mild form. Both autism and Asperger's can be characterized by poor social skills, repetitive behavior or interests and problems communicating. Unlike classic autism, Asperger's does not typically involve delays in mental development or speech.

Experts say those with autism and related disorders are sometimes diagnosed with other mental health problems, such as depression, anxiety, bipolar disorder or obsessive-compulsive disorder.

"I think it's far more likely that what happened may have more to do with some other kind of mental health condition like depression or anxiety rather than Asperger's," Laugeson said.

She said those with Asperger's tend to focus on rules and be very law-abiding.

"There's something more to this," she said. "We just don't know what that is yet."

After much debate, the term Asperger's is being dropped from the diagnostic manual used by the nation's psychiatrists. In changes approved earlier this month, Asperger's will be incorporated under the umbrella term "autism spectrum disorder" for all the ranges of autism.

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AP Writer Matt Apuzzo contributed to this report.

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Online:

Asperger's information: http://1.usa.gov/3tGSp5

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In wake of Newtown tragedy, LAPD to step-up presence at elementary, middle schools

The Los Angeles Police Department plans to significantly increase its presence at the city's more than 540 public elementary and middle schools, with Chief Charlie Beck saying the Sandy Hook Elementary school massacre has created a "new reality" that his department must address.

In outlining his plan Monday, Beck said his goal is for uniformed officers to visit the public school campuses on a daily basis, a major change in LAPD deployment strategy that will add an additional logistical stress on a police force already stretched thin by the city's fiscal crisis.

"Somebody in a uniform is going to stop by everyday at these schools," Beck said in an interview.

The chief stressed that he and his aides were still drawing up the details of the plan, which he said will begin when students return from winter break next month. Any private or charter school that wants to be included will be, he added.

Until Friday, Beck said, he and his command staff didn't much worry about elementary schools. The school walls, he trusted, effectively sealed off the youngest of the city's students from whatever violence or other crimes may be unfolding outside them. The relatively few LAPD officers assigned to school issues focused almost entirely on the high schools.

"After all," Beck said of elementary schoolchildren, "these are supposed to be one the safest places in their worlds."

The shooting, the chief said, has forced him to "recalibrate his department to this new reality."

"A barrier has been broken in our culture," Beck added at the news conference. "It's our job … all of our jobs, to make sure that we resurrect that barrier and make our children safe."

He tempered expectations, saying the amount of time officers spend at the schools will be relatively brief, since the daily visits will occur as part of their regular patrol duties. Though visits won't be possible all the time because of changing work schedules, Beck said he wants it to be the same officer or two checking in on a school so they can become familiar with the faculty and students.

Getting to each of the 457 elementary schools and 86 middle schools in the city will require diverting about 1,200 officers each day from their regular assignments, Beck estimated. While manageable, he conceded the new responsibility will add further strain at stations that sometimes have only a handful of patrol cars on the streets in a given shift.

"Logistically, it's a big deal," he said. "But it's us recognizing a new priority and that there is a new reality."

The LAPD's is the most aggressive of several moves being made by Southern California law enforcement agencies in the wake of the shooting.

The L.A. County Sheriff's Department announced it would be increasing patrols around schools in its jurisdiction and making regular visits onto the campuses. Most of the roughly 1,000 schools in the mammoth Los Angeles Unified School District are located in territory patrolled by the two agencies.

Police in Long Beach have been ordered to do the same, with Chief Jim McDonnell directing his officers to conduct foot patrols on school campuses that he called "walk and talks."

Both Beck and L.A. schools Supt. John Deasy were challenged on whether the new measures could have prevented an incident similar to the one at Sandy Hook.

"It's a heck of a lot better than if an LAPD officer is not assigned to the school," Deasy said in an interview.

Deasy also made clear the school district's much smaller police force is incapable of touching base with every school, every day. The district currently spends $52 million on its own police force — a cost that would at least triple if it provided an officer for every school, Deasy said.

Beck acknowledged his plan would not shield a school entirely against an attack, but said the officer visits will occur at different times of day and, so, leave a would-be attacker guessing about security on a campus. And although the Connecticut school had strong security measures in place, he said the death toll would have probably been far less if a police officer had been on campus when Adam Lanza, the 20-year-old gunman, arrived.

The plan, Beck said, would ease safety concerns and give officers a better chance of intercepting someone bent on doing something violent.

"Obviously there is a feel-good, assurance part of it designed to give parents and students some confidence in the safety at their schools. But it is also about trying to increase the chances of putting us at the right place at the right time if something does happen," he said.

Not everyone was impressed by the idea of daily random visits from officers.

"That seems sort of bizarre, totally ineffective and unnecessary," said David Dobson, a parent and PTA leader in the Burbank Unified School District. But Dobson said he understood the motivation. "When something like this happens people feel obliged to do something to make people feel like something has changed so now it can't happen to them."

Beck's concerns, however, were underscored over the weekend when LAPD officers arrested a 24-year-old man for allegedly threatening online to carry out attacks like the one in Newtown at several elementary schools. Authorities seized nine guns from the East Hollywood home where the man was found, although on Monday prosecutors declined to file charges because the comments were too vague. Sheriff's deputies are also looking into allegations that a 14-year-old student at Canyon View Junior High School in San Dimas threatened to bring a gun to campus and kill a teacher last week.

joel.rubin@latimes.com

howard.blume@latimes.com

andrew.blankstein@latimes.com

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